Auwalu Anwar
“The only thing Kwankwasiyya has in common with NEPU and the PRP is mimicking wearing the red cap.” – An Anonymous Elder of Kwankwasiyya.
From Radical Idealism to Commercial Politics
In this month, seventy-five years ago, a momentous event unfolded in Sabongari,
Kano: the founding of the Northern Elements Progressive Union (NEPU) by eight radical young patriots. On 8 August 1950, Abba Mai Kwaru, Bello Ijumu, Baballiya Manaja, Musa Kaula, Abdulqadir Danjaji, Garba Bida, Mudi Sipikin, and Magaji Dambatta convened at Ijumu’s house, No. 9, Ibadan Road, to inaugurate a movement that would challenge the oppressive foundations of colonial feudalism in Northern Nigeria.
NEPU was not merely a political party; it was an ideological movement rooted in the emancipation of the oppressed Talakawa, determined to reform the Native Authority system and secure Nigerian independence. Although NEPU was a regional political party, its visionary founders were pan-Nigerian nationalists.
This founding moment, and the vision it represented, invites critical reflection on the condition of political leadership in present-day Kano. The appropriate homage to
NEPU at seventy-five is, therefore, not rhetorical celebration, but sober reflection and evaluation of the trajectory in the deterioration of qualitative leadership.
How far has the dominant political current in Kano—embodied by the Kwankwasiyya movement—aligned with or deviated from the values of Sawaba (liberation), which once defined Kano’s identity? How has the logic of class struggle,
ideological activism, and social justice been replaced with a politics of patronage, personality cults, and commercial transactions?
This article undertakes an analysis of differing political practices and styles of leadership that defined Kano’s post-NEPU evolution, with a particular focus on how ideological politics gave way to transactional politics.
Using a historiographical approach, it evaluates the degeneration of radical traditions into electoral entrepreneurship, culminating in the political dominance of
Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso. It offers a diagnostic account of the broader socio-political consequences of this shift, and argues for the urgent need to reconstruct a credible ideological alternative.
The NEPU: A Legacy of Emancipation
NEPU’s principles, enshrined in the 1951 Sawaba Declaration, were foundational to the political identity of Northern progressives. It aimed to:
1. Overthrow the autocratic family-compact rule embedded in the Native Authority system;
2. Recognize and frame the antagonism between the colonial-traditional elite
alliance and the Talakawa as a class struggle;
3. Democratize state institutions and retool them to serve the interests of the people;
4. Confront feudal oppression through mass mobilization and revolutionary change;
5. Establish a new social order rooted in equity, freedom, and dignity.
The NEPU-PRP (People’s Redemption Party) continuum, particularly under the intellectual and moral leadership of Malam Aminu Kano, defined a political tradition grounded in principled dissent, social justice, and radical reform. Aminu’s historic resignation from public service in October 1950—in protest against the corruption, nepotism, and parasitism of the Native Authorities—signaled a moral break with the status quo. His political career was marked by personal integrity, intellectual engagement, and a commitment to egalitarianism that shaped the ideological orientation of Kano’s political elite for decades.
The PRP in the Second Republic extended NEPU’s legacy into a new era, attracting intellectual heavyweights like Chinua Achebe, Wole Soyinka, and Bala Usman. It advanced a politics of mass empowerment, structured participation, and anti- imperial sovereignty. PRP’s clarion call was unambiguous: politics was not a marketplace for wealth but a battleground to ensure the protection of human dignity.
The Military Disruption of Ideological Politics
The ideological rupture began with the political engineering of General Ibrahim Babangida’s Presidency (1985–1993). Through the imposition of state-created political parties—the National Republican Convention (NRC) and the Social Democratic Party (SDP)—Babangida decoupled Nigerian politics from its organic roots. These government-funded parties were ideologically barren, engineered for elite integration rather than democratic participation.
This state-orchestrated detachment of politics from the people led to the rise of political brokers, transactional loyalty, and personality cults. The movement away from political conviction to political commodification was not accidental; it was systemic. Party organs were hollowed out. Patronage replaced ideology. Campaigns became platforms for rent-seeking rather than nation-building.
Kano, the once-vibrant epicenter of radical northern politics, became a laboratory for this emerging model of commercial politics. A generation of leaders emerged, not through ideological struggle and heroism, but through opportunism, access to state power, and mastery of street-level populism. The old slogans of emancipation were replaced by clientelist chants. The most successful political actors were no longer those who inspired, but those who traded influence.
The Triumvirate: Shekarau, Ganduje, and Kwankwaso
In the post-PRP political order, three men came to dominate Kano’s political landscape for a quarter of a century: Ibrahim Shekarau, Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, and Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso. Each served as governor for two terms. Collectively, they encapsulate the arc of Kano’s transformation from an ideological vanguard to a commercial theatre.
Of recent, according to many political commentators, pundits, opinion-makers and scholars, such as the former Special Adviser on Religious Affairs during Kwankwaso’s first term (1999–2003), who also served Ganduje as Commissioner in the Ministries for Higher Education; and Religious Affairs (2019–2023), Muhammad Tahar Adamu (Baba Impossible) and the State Chairman, Council of Ulama, Ibrahim Khalil, the acceleration of the collapse of our political institutions, structures, and values, as a people, can be directly linked to the activities of the triumvirate.
Indeed, each of them has his peculiar attributes as a person, but more so as a politician. I would like to, at this point, present how people perceive them relating] to the deepening socio-political crisis engulfing Kano State; and also express my opinion from what I deduced by observing their political activities and programmes.
For the avoidance of doubt, I do not have any problem with any of them. I have an excellent personal relationship with Ganduje. Shekarau and I have mutual respect for each other. I genuinely admire Kwankwaso’s exceptional skills and organisational capacity to mobilise, recruit, and retain followership. However, my love for Kano and training as a student of history are stronger than the sentiments and considerations mentioned above.
Ibrahim Shekarau
Shekarau is regarded, by many, as of lesser faults among the three. He was not haughty even when he emerged governor on the platform of All Nigeria People’s Party (ANPP). He did not see himself as a super human being for occupying the office. He was neither known for looting public treasury nor seen to have stolen Local Governments’ funds, directly or through bogus joint-projects’ account to execute special projects.
Nevertheless, having spent a great part of his life as an activist or patron of the Muslim Students’ Society (MSS) and also acquired power on the euphoria of the restoration of Shari’a implementation, a project into which his predecessor was known to have been reluctantly involved, Shekarau’s tenure witnessed an obsession to ‘Islamise’ governance and its institutions, for which he committed a large chunk of public resources to court the support of religious organisations and their gatekeepers. Shekarau’s religiously-coated political activities and showmanship made some people to assume that he graduated in theology rather than mathematics.
Despite his relative prudence, Shekarau’s style of financial management was weak as he was not fully in charge of his appointees; some of whom were perceived to have grossly abused their offices.
Honestly, Shekarau did not achieve any outstanding infrastructural development or transformation. His attention was largely devoted to what he termed, ‘ethical reorientation’ (gyaran zukata; a daidaita sahu); for which he established many institutions, such as Sharia Commission and Hisbah Commission, to achieve.
Regardless of his shortcomings, Shekarau was conscious of the existing diversities in the state and tried his best to achieve equitable representation of all interests in running the affairs of government, which might explain the tremendous peace recorded in the volatile community during his tenure.
In addition to his generous patronage to religious constituencies, Shekarau extended unprecedented attention and, what people termed “extravagant support,” to traditional institutions and rulers. Thus, the Emir of Kano, Ado Bayero, rewarded him with the traditional title of Sardaunan Kano. His flirtation with the monarchical constituency was a total negation of the ideals of NEPU and the PRP, even though the traditional political institutions have been reduced to mere cultural symbolism.
As a politician, Shekarau is neither regarded as a success story nor a failure. He used to have a large number of fanatical followers, whom he gradually dispersed through tactical group mismanagement and avoidable leadership missteps.
He is not considered a reliable or stable politician and many people allege that his words, on any promise he made, were hardly kept.
However, the remnants of his political associates always explain that his only real weakness is his desire not to offend anyone, which ironically pushes him, many a times, to offend everyone. That is why he could neither say “No” nor fulfil his voluntarily made promises at the right time.
Abdullahi Umar Ganduje
Ganduje, in the opinion of many people, is a more difficult person to understand than his two friends. He appears friendly and respectful of everyone, like a salesman, but hardly are his dispositions towards people a true reflection of how he values them.
He is considered exceedingly elusive, slippery, and capable of elevating the art of deception and pretence to a guiding principle in his political interactions and relationship with others. He is known for being patient, strategic, and crafty.
Ganduje, according to commentators, trusts no one but himself. As a governor, he was perceived and depicted as an embodiment of corruption and malfeasance. His crude appetite for primitive wealth accumulation is seen to be far beyond mere greed or selfishness to a malignant disease.
He was alleged to have personally handled every procurement awarded by his government, from the purchase of costumes for artistes to the construction of overhead bridges, while in office. The viral videos in which he was shown receiving bribe in dollars from a contractor, which he repeatedly denied was, perhaps, the lowest level of shameful acts to which any governor could go, if proven.
Notwithstanding his love for materialism, most of Ganduje’s construction projects were regarded to have been executed to specifications and were solid. They were not substandard at staggeringly inflated prices as witnessed during Kwankwaso’s tenure.
Because of his self-love, Ganduje had parted ways with majority of worthy politicians in his team. This might explain why he was not able to establish any distinct political identity, apart from Kwankwaso’s, for the eight years he spent as governor in Kano.
Most members of his inner circle were considered riffraff politicians, who were more of a liability to themselves and to others than an asset to the community.
Conscientious public servants and decent politicians did not appear to have attracted his admiration or sufficient attention and support to discharge their duties efficiently.
For instance, towards the general elections in 2023, his chosen State Chairman of All Progressive Congress (APC), Abdullahi Abbas, publicly declared that members of their party did not want Allah’s intervention to avert any calamity during the anticipated gubernatorial election. The prayer was answered, instantly, and they were convincingly defeated at the polls.
Surprisingly, as a two-term governor and former National Chairman of the ruling party, Ganduje does not have the requisite influence to attract a reasonable number of credible politicians as his followers in Kano today. However, this does not mean he has no access to rented crowds, political prostitutes, thugs, and assorted teams of hooligans on demand, to execute his dirty political jobs for him.
Most technocrats in Kano lament the golden opportunities to make a difference in the political fortunes of the State, which Ganduje squandered, intentionally.
He was, among the trio, the most educated; most experienced; most exposed; richest; and the oldest person to be elected governor. Yet, his overall performance did not portray him as someone better than the others, who were considered less endowed in many respects. Loyalty was better rewarded than competence in discharging affairs of the party and in governance, by Ganduje.
Unexpectedly, despite the impression many people have about Ganduje as a stingy person, he generated a list of selected associates and friends to whom he sends monetary gifts at regular intervals, usually during the two Eid festivals.
Considering the historicity of radical political tradition and the strong ideological foundation laid by the leadership of the NEPU, as its legacy, many people wonder why the continuing rapid deterioration in the quality of political leadership in Kano State?
Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso
Undoubtedly, of the three gladiators, who are blamed for polluting the political space and lowering the qualitative standards of leadership in the environment, only Kwankwaso is actually regarded as a serious politician with considerable following to influence a significant shift in political behavior in Kano.
Thus, the search light in this tribute focuses more on him than on the others, in order to have a better understanding of the root causes of the current leadership challenges in the state.
In order to dispassionately discuss the evolution of commercial politics at the expense of ideological politics in Kano therefore, it is necessary to review the trajectory of Kwankwaso’s political antecedents, strategy, and ascendancy.
Is Kwankwaso genuinely a pro-poor politician or is he fake and merely taking advantage of his vulnerable followers, majority of whom are uninformed?
The best way to answer this question, is to trace the transition of party politics in Kano; from being a conviction-based vocation for the emancipation of society under
Aminu Kano; to a self-centred commercially profitable enterprise with Kwankwaso as the sole-signatory to all its bank accounts and the greatest beneficiary of its multiple, often manipulated, but profitable transactions.
Although many people who mean well for Kano lament that it is regrettable to have an autocrat like Kwankwaso as the dominant political player in the state; they fail to understand that, his emergence was made possible by the nonchalant attitude of true democrats, who refused meaningful involvement in the political process, which created a natural vacuum for him to fill.
Nature abhors a vacuum!
It is, therefore, important at this point to present Kwankwaso’s political history and strategy in order to understand how his emergence as a leading player transforms ideologically oriented politics into a lucrative commercial enterprise in Kano State. Kwankwaso’s political career commenced with his election into the House of
Representatives, from Kura-Madobi-Garun Malam Federal Constituency, under the umbrella of the SDP, in July 1992. He emerged Deputy Speaker when the position was zoned to Kano State. He was later elected Delegate to the National Constitutional Conference, from Kano Central Senatorial District, in 1994.
In 1999, he contested gubernatorial primaries of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) and, initially, lost to Ganduje at the Result Collation Centre.
His friend and District Head of Gabasawa at the time, Aminu Babba Xan Agundi, deliberately delayed submitting the result of his constituency in order to rescue Kwankwaso with doctored results from Gabasawa. That was how the initial gap was bridged with unlawful votes when Xan Agundi rigged the process in favour of Kwankwaso leading to his declaration as the winner.
The incident almost led to the disintegration of the PDP in Kano State. Surprisingly, Ganduje conceded ‘defeat’ to save the party from explosion and was appreciated by all for his maturity and sacrifice. This was what endeared him to the party leadership.
So, if Ganduje had actually rigged Kwankwaso out during the gubernatorial election] in 2019, as it has been widely speculated, it should be considered as a mere return match. Revenge, according to experts, is more delicious when it is served cold.
The Director of Organization for Kwankwaso’s Campaign (1999-2003), who was later appointed his Commissioner of Finance, Ibrahim Xan Azumi Gwarzo, corroborated the role played by Xan Agundi in turning the table against Ganduje.
In fact, he further explained how he used his telephones, Nos. 064-670095 & 064- 670096, and communicated directly with Xan Agundi, from the Result Collation Centre, and informed him about the number of fictitious votes to manufacture in order to ‘defeat’ Ganduje.
With Kwankwaso’s emergence, Gwarzo further elaborated, he became a monster, disregarding the principle of equitable representation among the three major political tendencies constituting the PDP in the State, namely: NPN (under Aminu Wali), Santsi (under Muhammadu Abubakar Rimi), and Tavo (under the joint supervisionof Dauda Xan Galan/Musa Gwadabe).
PDP elders in Kano were shocked and taken aback by Kwankwaso’s recalcitrant disposition as soon as he became candidate of the party. His disrespect for them increasingly worsened, up to his swearing-in as Governor.
For instance, he opposed the elders on the choice of Ganduje as his running-mate. He rejected their proposal on the appointment of Secretary to the State Government.
He refused to take their advice on the nomination of a new Party Chairman to replace Yusuf Baita, who was appointed Commissioner of Commerce and Industry.
In addition, the Chairman of the Elders Committee, Abdu Dawakin Tofa, had confirmed to me at the time, how Kwankwaso attempted to swindle the committee by proposing to replace Ganduje with Tofa’s brother, Mahmud Baffa Yola, as his running mate.
Tofa rejected the offer as immoral; only to learn that Kwankwaso’s actual plan was to replace Ganduje with a different person, Bello Hayatu Gwarzo, had the former consented for Ganduje to be dropped.
How did Kwankwaso manage to dominate and have absolute control of the political space in Kano?
The truth is, regardless of his shortcomings, Kwankwaso has certain advantages and qualities, which continuously enhance his chances in contest with his opponents, since 1999.
He has stupendous wealth, which he amassed in the course of his public life as Governor, Defence Minister, Board Member of the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), and Special Envoy to Darfur.
He always plans well ahead of others. He is tenacious and persevering. Above all, he is exceptionally grounded in the etiquette of local politics, as a full-time practitioner. He always stoops to conq